dc.rights.license | CC-BY-NC-ND | |
dc.contributor.advisor | Ruys, E.G. | |
dc.contributor.author | Tanaka, M. | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2010-08-25T17:00:32Z | |
dc.date.available | 2010-08-25 | |
dc.date.available | 2010-08-25T17:00:32Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2010 | |
dc.identifier.uri | https://studenttheses.uu.nl/handle/20.500.12932/5305 | |
dc.description.abstract | This thesis presents a new movement-based theory that explains the syntax of head-internal relative clauses (HIRCs) in Japanese in a Minimalist way, which builds on Watanabe’s (1992) operator movement analysis. I argue that an HIRC-DP, which lacks a NP-projection, is semantically defective and cannot be assigned a thematic role by the matrix predicate by Merge, unless it receives semantic argument status from the internal head of the HIRC through operator movement. It is shown that my movement-based theory uniformly accounts for the island-sensitivity of non-wh-headed HIRCs and wh-headed HIRCs as well as their formation better than Watanabe’s (2004) Agree-based theory, which cannot avoid some complications. | |
dc.description.sponsorship | Utrecht University | |
dc.format.extent | 890252 bytes | |
dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | |
dc.language.iso | en | |
dc.title | Head-Internal Relative Clauses in Japanese: Movement vs. Agree | |
dc.type.content | Master Thesis | |
dc.rights.accessrights | Open Access | |
dc.subject.keywords | head-internal relative clause, operator movement, Agree, wh-in-situ, island, Japanese | |
dc.subject.courseuu | Linguistics: the Study of the Language Faculty | |