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dc.rights.licenseCC-BY-NC-ND
dc.contributor.advisorRuys, E.G.
dc.contributor.authorTanaka, M.
dc.date.accessioned2010-08-25T17:00:32Z
dc.date.available2010-08-25
dc.date.available2010-08-25T17:00:32Z
dc.date.issued2010
dc.identifier.urihttps://studenttheses.uu.nl/handle/20.500.12932/5305
dc.description.abstractThis thesis presents a new movement-based theory that explains the syntax of head-internal relative clauses (HIRCs) in Japanese in a Minimalist way, which builds on Watanabe’s (1992) operator movement analysis. I argue that an HIRC-DP, which lacks a NP-projection, is semantically defective and cannot be assigned a thematic role by the matrix predicate by Merge, unless it receives semantic argument status from the internal head of the HIRC through operator movement. It is shown that my movement-based theory uniformly accounts for the island-sensitivity of non-wh-headed HIRCs and wh-headed HIRCs as well as their formation better than Watanabe’s (2004) Agree-based theory, which cannot avoid some complications.
dc.description.sponsorshipUtrecht University
dc.format.extent890252 bytes
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoen
dc.titleHead-Internal Relative Clauses in Japanese: Movement vs. Agree
dc.type.contentMaster Thesis
dc.rights.accessrightsOpen Access
dc.subject.keywordshead-internal relative clause, operator movement, Agree, wh-in-situ, island, Japanese
dc.subject.courseuuLinguistics: the Study of the Language Faculty


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