| dc.description.abstract | This study examines the identification of a new actor within municipal approaches to street
harassment, namely the 'buitenstaander'. It investigates the potential role of this ‘buitenstaander’ in
municipal policies and their awareness of the phenomenon street harassment. The study employs
discourse analysis of municipal strategies on street harassment and interviews with officials from
various municipalities participating in the national Safe Cities program. The dominant discourse
within municipal strategies revolves around three main pillars: Prevention & awareness, Victim
support, and Street safety & enforcement. Of these, Prevention & awareness are prioritized targeting
actors such as victims, perpetrators, and bystanders, with emphasis on the latter. However, there is
ambiguity in municipal definitions concerning bystanders, typically viewed as those who intervene
directly in incidents of street harassment. This aligns with definitions used by the national action
program and Movisie, which describe bystanders as individuals who witness but are not directly
involved as victim or perpetrator in misconduct/street harassment incidents. Nevertheless, this
definition raises questions regarding individuals who indirectly influence social norms without
directly witnessing incidents. This research identifies these individuals in the context of street
harassment as 'buitenstaanders'. They are defined as follows: "Individuals who are not direct
witnesses to or directly involved in incidents of boundary-crossing behaviour." Drawing on academic
literature, including the work of Kimberley Fairchild, Bianca Fileborn and Tully O’Neill, my experience
I gained during my internship at the municipality of Rotterdam and a documentary (that is part of
this thesis) the study explores the role and awareness of these 'buitenstaanders' within municipal
strategies. Theoretical insights indicate that 'buitenstaanders' can play both direct and indirect roles
in reducing street harassment, distinguishing them from bystanders who primarily intervene directly.
The direct role involves assuming a bystander role, while the indirect role influences social norms,
even outside of specific incident contexts. The documentary, which I wrote, produced, filmed, and
edited in addition to conducting this research, suggests the presence of a subgroup within
'buitenstaanders' who are less aware of street harassment and preventive coping mechanisms.
Termed the 'unconscious buitenstaander', this subgroup unknowingly impacts municipal strategies.
Their lack of awareness may prevent them from recognizing instances of street harassment and
inadvertently trivializing the issue in conversations, thereby negatively influencing social norms. To
mitigate these implications, the study recommends explicitly engaging the 'buitenstaander' in street
harassment strategies. This involves conducting targeted actions in public spaces focused on their
indirect roles and facilitating dialogues. By doing so, there is a greater likelihood of reaching the
unconscious ‘buitenstaander’ and fostering awareness, for instance, educating them that street
harassment occurs not only in dimly lit alleys at night but also in broad daylight on bustling squares. | |
