| dc.description.abstract | This thesis focuses on the debate around plans for building a new mosque in Enschede as a substitute for two smaller, outdated Turkish mosques. Especially the plans to amplify the azan, which is both a form of public religion and a form of public Islam, generates a lot of discussion. The main research question is as follows: What are the involved actors’ views on public religion in general and public Islam in particular, and how do these views determine their position on the amplified azan? By answering this question, the hope is to find out how the debate about the amplified azan relates to wider debates about the role of religion and Islam in society.
In the debate, three different groups of actors are involved: representatives of the mosques and the Islamic community, representatives of the neighbourhood residents and members of the municipality council. The views on public religion and Islam of the actors from these three groups have been researched on the basis of interviews, written blogs and spoken contributions to municipal meetings. Following this, the results have been analysed using the theoretical framework discussed in the first chapter.
The second chapter answers the first subquestion: What are the involved actors’ views on public religion and how do these views determine their position on the amplified azan? Two opposing groups of views van be distinguished, which can be analysed as two different versions of secularism. On the one hand there is a group of actors who state that certain form of religion should be kept private. These ‘cultural secularists’ state that the azan, which according to them is as much a creed of faith as a call to prayer, is a form of religion which does not belong in the public realm. On the other hand, there is a group of actors who stress the importance of equal rights and freedom of expression to defend the right on public religion. These ‘constitutional secularists’ state that it is not up to them or the state to judge on the contents of the azan.
The third chapter answers the second subquestion: To what extent do the azan and Islam have a special status in the debate? From the answer to the first subquestion it is clear that it is mainly the group of cultural secularists which might ascribe the azan and the Islam a special status. Besides their focus on the azan as a creed of faith, they also point to the specific contents of this creed as unrespectful to non-Muslims. Furthermore they ask critical questions about the real motivations behind amplifying the azan and about the extent to which the azan fits in Dutch culture. These actors stress that their criticism focuses on peculiar characteristics of the azan and is not directed towards the Islam. In some instances, however, it is clear that the azan’s Islamic nature does play a role.
The fourth chapter answers the third subquestion: How do the actors’ views on public religion, public Islam and the azan relate to the context in which these views are formulated? In terms of local elements of this context, the views of the representatives of both the mosques and the neighbourhood residents are determined to a large extent by their followers. For the municipality council member the situation is more complex: their voters are not necessarily involved in the conflict and both their role as a public representative and the party position can be unclear. In terms of non-local context, most actors especially stress that due to the international debate about the Islam it is hard to take an outspoken position on the azan. A last element of the context, the legislation, leaves space for taking a wide spectrum of positions on the amplified azan. | |
